Holocaust Remembrance on the End of Its Ropes

Holocaust Remembrance on the End of Its Ropes

The United Kingdom’s slide into the Third World continues as the former great power adopts the thought processes of the migrants populating its cities. Antisemitism is a key feature of this emerging British mindset.

The Daily Mail reports that the number of schools commemorating the Holocaust halved since the 2023 Simchat Torah massacre:

More than 2,000 secondary schools signed up to events for Holocaust Memorial Day in 2023, according to the Holocaust Memorial Day Trust.

Until then, the number of schools taking part annually on January 27 had steadily increased each year since 2019.

However last year just 854 schools participated in events to commemorate the day, falling by 60 per cent in the years following the Hamas terror attack in Israel.

In 2024, around 800 fewer schools took part, with another 350 dropping out in 2025. There are currently around 4,200 secondary schools in the UK.”

What’s so dangerous about Holocaust remembrance?

According to the Chief Rabbi of Britain, Sir Ephraim Mirvis, the trend is driven by grassroots antisemitism. He explains that teachers chose the “path of least resistance”—presumably intimidated by the local migrant culture. And yet, considering that his country imprisons citizens for memes, the refusal to police antisemitic and anti-Zionist speech implicates London in creating the climate of hate that physically threatens British Jews. It comes as no surprise that offering them asylum is now on the table in America.

That said, Holocaust education became a subject of scrutiny in recent years. In 2023, the Jewish American writer Dara Horn asked the question: how come antisemitism in the US is rising despite Holocaust education? She found that antisemitism, let alone Jewish heritage and experience, is rarely discussed with grade students; the lessons are universalized to the point of objectification of victims and survivors, Jewish heroes are rarely mentioned, and a discussion of human nature is absent.

Alarmingly, according to studies conducted over the last decade, young people living in the regions where Holocaust education has been established longer are the most antisemitic. In the UK, too, as Horn writes, where this type of curriculum existed longer than anywhere else in Europe, some students blamed the Jews for the Nazi calamities—“Weren’t the Jews wealthy?” “Didn’t they think they are better than the Germans?”

Horn’s argument is provocative and convincing; however, although it mentions Hispanic school districts in Texas, it treats the West as a hermetically sealed organism in which, every so often, a generation of sons comes to replace the generation of fathers. Yet there is no denial that much of the antisemitism in the developed world today is endemic to non-white populations—the UK is a decade or two ahead of us in this respect.

If younger people are more likely to deny the Holocaust or propagate Jew-hating tropes, younger generations are also more diverse. Many of them are doing so not to stick it to the dreaded Boomers—or any other kind of internal dynamic—but to obey their own elders.

Older generations self-consciously rid themselves of antisemitism, and the horror of the Holocaust had something to do with it. The project of remembrance, however imperfect, was going well until the advent of social media and the explosion of mass migration.

Today, “white supremacy” is a somewhat outdated concept. Pockets of it exist, and wild ideas about Jews are on the rise among whites, but the online edgelords egging on the masses of Neo-Nazi basement dwellers are, to a very large degree, recent migrants—and the algorithms moving them are not American either. Take, for instance, last Saturday night’s stream of the elite Neo-Nazi night out in Miami that broke the internet.

A half-dozen influencers played the now-disowned Ye track called “Heil Hitler,” stood around a posh nightclub looking bored, and served white girls drinks. The group’s core, including the late Charlie Kirk’s personal nemesis Nick Fuentes, was black or brown. When the Fuhrer’s biggest champions are men of color, the talk of “white supremacy” needs updating. What we are dealing with is antisemitism. It makes no sense to label them “right wing” either—that would be to locate them within the Western political tradition —“third world mentality” is a more accurate label.

In May 2025, Barstool Sports founder Dave Portnoy pledged to send an ethnic Pakistani college student, Mo Khan, on a free trip to Auschwitz after the young man ordered a customizable sign “Fuck the Jews” in a Portnoy’s restaurant. However, the businessman quickly realized that Khan is not reformable—and in fact, the latter wasted no time attempting to cash in on the incident on neo-Nazi social media.

Third worldism is not just anti-Jewish. In going after the memory of the Holocaust, the third-world mindset doesn’t merely object to humanizing a Jew but to the Western ideological framework. The next domino to fall is “the finest hour,” the Allied victory in World War II on which Pax Americana is built—our might, prosperity, and tolerance that welcomed the migrants’ presence within our borders to start with. It’s no coincidence that the anti-liberty Black Lives Matter wants to take down the statue of Winston Churchill on London’s Parliament Square.

Save for the Jewish soldiers and partisans, the Allied powers weren’t in World War Two to free the Jews. And while we had many other perfectly valid reasons to enter that conflict, the Holocaust is retroactively held up as the greatest atrocity of the Nazi regime and the arch justification for the war on it. The West should be interested in the memorialization of the Holocaust because it solidifies our ascendancy.

The third world has its own scores to settle. It’s not just that they are bored with Jewish and Western histories. Should anyone be surprised that the descendants of the people who sided with the Axis might not be receptive to enumerations of their crimes?

For Britain—and the rest of the West—to maintain a cohesive social structure, the newcomers have to be de-Nazified. Instead of shying away from the subject of the Holocaust, Western societies are well advised to double down on it. Universalizing it in an attempt to make it “relevant” to diverse students does no service to Jews—or the indigenous population of the Old Continent.

As European power and influence are wearing down, stop treating the genocide of Jews as an internal European matter. It was a worldwide phenomenon, and some of the nations that were a party to it not only feel no remorse, but want to finish off the descendants of survivors in Israel and the United States.

The children of America deserve to know who joined the Nazi outside of Europe. Teach them about Hitler’s friend Amin Al Husseini, the Farhud, and the attempt, in the aftermath of that genocide, to “throw Jews into the sea”. The way to make the Holocaust “relevant” in 2026 is not to compare it to bullying, Israeli hostage rescue, or whatever else is going on in the world today. It’s to explain how it affects contemporary events—because the war on Jews never ended and the Arab Street brought it back to Europe. This is the type of information that needs—if justice is to be served—to make its way into the American ethnic studies curriculum.

Yet while it’s important to understand how the heirs to Nazism operate in the world today, the chief purpose of Holocaust education is and has always been to mourn its victims. We can’t stray from that path—not even to save the West.

Moreover, our emerging reality is that Mo Khans of America might simply be unreachable. What “Never Again!” means in this environment remains to be seen.

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