The brutal truth of electoral politics is that, not unlike Supreme Court reasoning, wins, losses, and philosophies exist on a pendulum. Whether the dog wags the tail, or the tail wags the dog, the power of one party over the other waxes and wanes as sure as the sun rises and sets.

The midterm elections ushered in a massive pendulum swing away from progressive power plays and toward the comparatively common sense conservatism of both established Republicans and eager newcomers. The right ran against Obama, his caucus, and their destructive policies, while the left ran against the increasingly faded spectres of microaggression; the result? They failed miserably, embarrassingly, and in toto.

Roger Simon writes for PJ Media:

Liberalism n’existe pas — and almost everybody knows it. It is completely out of ideas. Obama was the last gasp of a dying ideology. All they have left is some pathetic and teetering identity politics. That is why the Democratic Party was so flummoxed over the last few days over the words of their stalwart Chuck Schumer, when he criticized the risibly titled Affordable Care Act. The New York senator said his party (and Obama clearly), rather than trying to reform healthcare, should have concentrated on improving the state of the middle class. But crucially, Schumer didn’t say how. That’s because in his ideology, there is no more how. It’s all been tried and shown to be useless or, worse, destructive of the people it pretends to be helping. At this point, we no longer need Gertrude Stein to tell us there’s no there there.

No more how, and for progressives like Schumer, no more need for how. How implies solutions that look ahead toward a better future; what progressives offered this cycle—and indeed, during the totality of the Obama Administration thus far—was a catharsis for loyal Democrat voters who at this point have got to be questioning the Commander in Chief’s figurehead status.

The important thing to remember, as Simon points out, is that we can’t get cocky. This cycle was won after strategists and activists deployed an enormous “grassroots + digital” effort that reached beyond the borders of our moderately-sized tent and touched new voters. Simon also notes that, in the run up to 2016, we need to touch those voters with new ideas; we got that ball rolling in 2014. From millennial outreach on social media to multilingual literature, websites, and press appearances, conservative campaigns dug out of their comfortable holes and broadened the Republican brand.

The results were spectacular in that they succeeded because they bucked the very trends that liberals rely on: Republicans are afraid of people of color, Republicans don’t respect women, Republicans don’t understand what it’s like to be young and in debt.

What does this mean? It means that Republicans and Democrats have entirely switched positions and strategies. What was once the party of slick, eye-catching messaging and a formidable ground game is now the party of tired ideas and ideological isolation—and Republicans are more than capable of taking the Democratic Party’s place at the top of the pile.