One of the reasons most often cited why the United States should not get involved in any way despite the use of chemical weapons by Syrian government forces is that Assad may be a brutal thug inside Syria, but he poses no threat outside Syria.
Indeed, Assad’s brutality inside Syria long pre-dates the current civil war, as The Telegraph reported in 2005:
Syria’s ruling Ba’athist regime has launched a brutal crackdown on dissenters in the run-up to a landmark gathering of senior party leaders this week.Damascus’s feared secret police have detained at least 14 opposition figures and have been blamed for the murders of two more.
So what?, you say. Let them kill each other, it’s not our business. What is forgotten is that Assad has a murderous history outside of Syria.
A U.N. investigation into the murder of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri found senior Syrian intelligence officials to blame:
209. It is the Commission’s conclusion that, after having interviewed witnesses and suspects in the Syrian Arab Republic and establishing that many leads point directly towards Syrian security officials as being involved with the assassination ….
Assad’s brother and brother-in-law initially were listed as being involved, although their names were removed from the final report.
In a refrain which now sounds familiar as to the use of chemical weapons, it was hard to prove that Assad personally issued the order to kill, it just so happened that his senior apparatus did it:
Syria’s former vice president said in a television interview Friday [December 30, 2005] that President Bashar Assad threatened former Lebanese prime minister Rafiq Hariri in the months before Hariri’s assassination and that the sophisticated operation to kill him could not have been carried out on the authority of only one agency.”Hariri was subjected to many threats from Syria,” Abdul Halim Khaddam, who resigned the vice presidency in June after two decades as a confidant of the Assad family, told al-Arabiya television in an interview from Paris. “Dangerous things were said.”Khaddam stopped short of accusing Assad of personal involvement in the decision to kill Hariri on Feb. 14 in Beirut. But he said that “in principle, no government body in Syria, be it a security apparatus or otherwise, can single-handedly make this decision.”
Assad also long supported Hamas, which was based in Damascus until the civil war started, as well as other Palestinian rejectionists. While true that Assad didn’t militarily challenge Israel on the Golan Heights, that was only because the consequence would have been the end of his regime.
Syria under Assad also became a key forward base for Iranian Revolutionary Guards and the supply chain to Hezbollah. It is for that reason that the Iranians play key support roles in the civil war, and Hezbollah has thrown it’s troops into battle for Assad and vowed to fight for Assad to the bitter end. While Assad is not al-Qaeda, he is a key player in the global Iranian and Hezbollah war against Israel and the United States.
Assad also supported the transit of al-Qaeda fighters on their way to kill American soldiers in Iraq and pro-American Iraqis.
Assad has the blood of hundreds of American soldiers and thousands of Iraqis on his hands. Here is some of that now-forgotten history:
I could go on and on. You get the picture.
Assad helped al-Qaeda and former Ba’atheists kill Americans in Iraq. Yet as with the Hariri assassination and the current use of chemical weapons, Assad pretended not to know or be involved in what happens in his own regime.
Ironically, it was the growth of al-Qaeda in Iraq and international Jihad, assisted by the Assad regime, which now is Assad’s biggest problem.
None of this history will, or need, change minds as to the wisdom or lack thereof of a military involvement regarding chemical weapons.
But hopefully it will at least dispel the notion that a Bashar Assad regime, emboldened to use chemical weapons, does not pose a threat beyond Syria’s borders.
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